Currently, he is serving as an advisor to the interim government. He is also in the Constitution Reform Committee led by Professor Ali Riaz.
We want a political settlement based on dignity, responsibility and compassion. We also respect personalities like Abul Hashem, Hussain Shaheed Suhrawardy, Sarat Bose and Chittaranjan Das. The kind of new constitution we want will be inclusive, not divisive. We prioritize military, economic and cultural diplomacy as well as public diplomacy.'
In an exclusive interview with the Asia-Pacific current affairs magazine The Diplomat recently, Interim Government Advisor Mahfuz Alam highlighted Bangladesh's future goals and the ongoing talks for a new political structure. The interview was conducted by Shahadat Hossain, Research Scholar, Department of International Relations, South Asian University, Delhi.
In an interview, he was asked about the politics of responsibility and compassion. what does it mean In response, Mahfuz Alam said that people have been deprived of their rights due to the oppressive politics of Bangladesh for the last 15 years. During this period, the opposition political parties have consistently raised the demand for rights. I think though, rights come with responsibilities. We need to move from a purely rights-based politics to a responsibility-based politics. Our desire is to move away from fascist politics that creates discord and division among people and move towards a politics of understanding.
We want a political framework based on values ​​of dignity, responsibility and compassion to fight fascism. We want to uphold the ideals of equality, human dignity and social justice. We must move away from confrontational politics like Mujibism and move towards inclusive politics. Without empathy it is impossible to connect with people or achieve true inclusion. And this is precisely why we advocate a politics of compassion and responsibility.
Q: You wrote in a Facebook post, 'Dhaka will be a center of civilization and a cultural center of the Bay of Bengal region.'
When asked to know the basis of this argument, Mahfuz Alam said that Bengal is the center of many religions and cultures. Historically, Islam came to the region through the translation of yoga texts. The land has been home to Buddhists, Christians, Jews and a center of maritime trade. We see Bengal as a confluence of cultures and civilizations, with Dhaka at its center. Different civilizations, cultures and histories are mixed here. As a result, diversity in opinions, beliefs and ideas has come among people. As this land is rich in a mixture of different perspectives, no single ideology has been able to dominate here. This land is a prosperous land where Hindus, Buddhists, Muslims and Vaishnavas have co-existed in mutual understanding and formed the foundation of the state.
The identity of the Bay of Bengal is also very important here. Countries like Chittagong, Arakan, Singapore, Malaysia, Indonesia and even Australia are located around the Bay of Bengal where cultural fusion has been happening for the last 200-300 years. We want Bangladesh to embrace this past legacy and become a hub of religions, cultures and diverse ideas.
Question: You feel that the spirit of 47 (Partition of India), 71 (Bangladesh Independence War) and 24 (July Revolution) should be united. But each event had a different spirit. Asked how these three incidents could be brought together, Mahfuz Alam said, I think there was a similarity between the spirit of 1947 and 1971, on the basis of which Bengali Muslims took collective action. They allied themselves with Hindus and others in 1947 and 1971 because of their basic desire for their collective goals. Although the movement of 1947 arose out of Muslim nationalism, the East Pakistan Movement also had a large participation of lower caste Hindus.
In 1971, along with Hindu friends, Bengali Muslims also fought for the same cause. The aim of 1947 was to find a homeland where they could achieve economic independence, freedom from feudalism and religious freedom to practice cultural expression linked to religion.
However, the goal of the movement was not the establishment of Sharia, but religious freedom. Later, however, some Islamic scholars exaggerated this aspect and distorted Pakistan's intentions. Rather, I think Pakistan's desire was only for freedom of religious practice and preservation of religious culture. Before 1947 such freedom was limited in the region.
Then why the entire Bengal did not merge with Pakistan? There was a cultural and class divide between East and West Bengal fueled by Shyama Prasad Mukherjee. Bengali Muslims supported an integral Bengal which we still support. We respect gurus like Abul Hashem, who along with Hossain Shaheed Suhrawardy and Sarat Bose wanted an integral Bengal. Deshbandhu Chittaranjan Das also advocated a united Bengal through the Bengal Pact in an effort to establish a Bengali identity. We respect Chittaranjan Das for his work.
The struggle of 1971 was against Islam, not against Bengali Muslims or their cultural identity, it was against political Islam. Bangladeshi identity started in 1947. 1971 would not have happened if not for 1947, as Abul Mansoor Ahmad pointed out. Finally, in 1971, the aspirations of the Lahore Resolution were fulfilled. I see the Pakistan movement differently. I call it the East Pakistan Movement. Because, it was a movement of Bengalis. When they realized that Punjabi dominance had not translated into effective autonomy in the state, they removed this control in 1971.
The spirit of the mass uprising of 2024 was a call for equality, where people of all classes and professions took to the streets together to oppose discrimination and hope for equal opportunities. Madrasah students and Islamic scholars participated in it and about 100 Madrasah students were martyred. They were deprived of religious and cultural freedom for 15 years. Those who practiced the religion were termed as militants. Workers and women also fought. Each class was motivated by its own desires. Despite these differences, the core of the collective beginnings was the opposition to discrimination and the pursuit of equality. So we will work on these general topics.
The interviewer asked, then what is the ultimate basis of Bangladesh? When the people of this region are continuously fighting, what is the ultimate identity of the people or the state? In response, Mahfuz Alam said that the foundation of Bangladesh lies in the unity of Bengali Muslims and Hindus along with other communities. Being the majority, Bengali Muslims do not need identity politics. Usually they define the shape of the state. Two Aspects of the State: Development of the Political Community and Formation of the State. The political community emerged from Bengali Muslim aspirations. But the state must remain secular. The state should treat Bengali Muslims and Hindus equally.
Bengali Muslims have repeatedly struggled for their rights. They could not achieve that in 1947 due to Punjabi dominance. And in 1971, Mujibism bound them. They rise again in 2024 in search of a state that is simultaneously less discriminatory, more democratic and more egalitarian. Despite its religious motivation, this fight is not for religion, not for religious rule, but for equality and justice.
